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8 Petrarch’s source is Pliny, Historia naturalia, tr. W.H.S. Jones (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), Book 29, 1-8; Petrarch makes repeated use of Pliny, see especially, the Invective, henceforth cited as ICM, I, 828; II, 868, 872; III, 912.
9 The classification of medicine as a mechanical art can be found con Hugh of St. 11; Petrarch refers sicuro medicine as per mechanical art also con XII, 2, 454, 466, 473-4.
10 Fracassetti, Lettere della vecchiaia, vol. 2, 242-3, translates verso passage not found durante Bernardo’s edition: “Vedi volubilita di carriera, incertezza e inutilita della antidoto,” XII, 2.
11 Peirce, “How onesto Make Our Ideas Clear,” Writings, vol. 3, 263-4: “The supercarburant of verso belief is the establishment of a habit, and different beliefs are distinguished by the different modes of action puro which they give rise.”
12 On Petrarch and the dialecticians see Pietro Paolo Gerosa, Umanesimo fedele del Petrarca; Grazia agostiniana, attinenze medievali (Turin: Bottega d’Erasmo, 1966), 208f. 13. Petrarch seems to collapse dialectic and logic; on this issue see Eleonore Stump, Dialectic and its Place durante the Development of Medieval Logic (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1989).
14 Petrarch is not above employing syllogizing, per deepest irony, of course; see ICM, III, 932: “Certe ego nunc risu et verecundia impedior sillogismum tibi tuo parem mittere, quo probem te vilissime servum rei. Quod urbanius possum dicam: sinon quod alio spectat, et ad aliud refertur, et propter aliud levante inventum, illi serviat oportet, ut manque vis. Provvedimento autem abima pecumian spectat et ad illam refertur et propter illam oriente. Conclude, dyaletice: pertanto pecunie domestica levante.”
15 Petrarch also argues that the more necessary is not by that more noble: “Igitur putas necessitas artium nobilitatem arguat. Contra oriente; alioquin nobilissimus artificum erit agricola; sutor quoque et pistor et tu, sinon mactare desieris, per precio eritis,” ICM, III, 894-6; cf. III, 910.
16 “. . . the doctor had done nothing at all, nor could he have except what per loquacious dialectician, rich per boredom and lacking durante remedies, can do”; “Medicum nil omnino vel fecisse, vel facere potuisse, nisi quod dialecticus loquax potest, taedii dives, inopsque remedii.”
18 I use the edition, Conciliator controversarium quae inter philosophos eet medicos versantur (Venice: apud Juntas, 1548). Nancy Siraisi’s discussion of d’Abano durante Arts and Sciences at Padua; The Studium of Padua before 1350 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1973), is excellent. D’Abano notes the attack on him as Averroist by the Dominicans sopra Differentia 48; Nardi contests the notion of d’Abano as Averroist in “La dispensa dell’anima di nuovo la eta delle forme dietro Pietro d’Abano,” 1-17, and “Attorno alle dottrine filosofiche di Pietro https://datingranking.net/it/thaicupid-review d’Abano,” con Studi sulla cultura aristotelica nel Veneto, I: Saggi sull’Aristotelismo padovano dal secolo XIV at XVI (Florence: Sansoni, 1958), 19-74. P. Oppure. Kristeller makes the point that Petrarch’s opponents in the De sui ipsius et multorum ignorantia were probably Bolognese, not Paduans, durante “Petrarch’s ‘Averroists’; Verso Note on the History of Aristotelianism mediante Venice, Padua, and Bologna,” Bibliotheque d’Humanisme et Renaissance, 14 (1952), 59-65. Giessena (Giessae: Casparus Chemlinus, 1621).
19 Lynn Thorndike, “Translations from the Greek by Pietro d’Abano,” Isis, 33 (1942), 649-53; see also V. Nutton, “Galen on Prognosis,” Corpo medicorum graecorum, 8.1.1 (1979), 27.
21 See the argument cited durante Differentia 3, (8r): “. . . medicari non est scientia subite: sed quidam actus et labor particularis, et de tali inezie oriente scientia . . . regulat mediante actu operandi particularem et tunc consequitor medicinae finis perfecte, quod ostenditur.”
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